What makes life sag in the middle?
Perhaps it is neither disappointment nor intimations of mortality but something physiological, even hormonal
A few weeks ago, the lazier end of the UK newspaper market published “research” into the tell-tale signs of a midlife crisis, which apparently include anything from taking vitamins to looking up old flames on Facebook. The FT’s science editor, Clive Cookson, somehow neglected to report the story, perhaps because it was a predictable confection scraped together by a publicity-hungry hair restoration clinic.
I have paid more attention than usual to midlife research of late: after a long and happy partnership, this week my thirties and I will wave each other goodbye. I haven’t been taking vitamins, and I won’t be drawn on the subject of Facebook. But I am curious about the midlife crisis because, PR-driven nonsense notwithstanding, intriguing research is emerging around a topic often treated as a joke.
Economists who study happiness – or, to give it its academically preferred name, “subjective wellbeing” – have long been aware of a U-shaped pattern as people pass through different ages. We are, on average, happier in our teens and in early adulthood, and as pensioners, than we are in middle age.
Each individual is unique, but the average relationship between age and wellbeing is large. Wellbeing is often measured by asking people to evaluate their life satisfaction or overall happiness on a scale of 0 to 7. The middle-age trough is worth a good half-point fall on that scale, and only serious shocks such as unemployment or ill-health are larger.
There is an interesting methodological question here as to whether researchers should look for the midlife misery in the raw data, or after statistically adjusting for factors such as marital status and income. Are we saying “middle-aged people seem unhappy”, or “given that they tend to have stable relationships and high income, middle-aged people seem less happy than you would expect”? Andrew Oswald, a happiness researcher and professor of economics at the University of Warwick, has found the U-shape using both approaches.
What, then, is the explanation for midlife ennui? Elliot Jaques, a psychologist often credited with coining the term “midlife crisis”, attributed it to “the adult encounter with the conception of life to be lived in the setting of an approaching personal death”. But that is not the only explanation.
A new working paper by Hannes Schwandt of Princeton University proposes an intriguing possibility: the gloom of middle-age is what happens when high expectations are dashed. Using data from a large survey of Germans, Schwandt contrasts how, for example, a 25-year-old expects to feel at 30, with how she actually feels when 30 comes along. The pattern is striking: young people have vastly inflated expectations of their lives five years on. Expectations ebb as the years go by, although it is not until their early sixties that people start being pleasantly surprised by how life has turned out, relative to expectations five years previously.
This is intriguing stuff. Professor Oswald told me that it is rare for such a striking pattern to emerge from subjective wellbeing data. But it has its limits. For one thing, Schwandt’s data cannot show why we are disappointed. Did we expect sex, money and status that did not materialise – or were we just unimpressed with how sex, money and status made us feel?
There are other explanations of the midlife crisis. Perhaps it is neither about disappointment nor intimations of mortality. Although the U-curve afflicts men and women equally, perhaps there is something physiological, even hormonal, about it all. If that seems far-fetched, consider a remarkable recent study by a team including Professor Oswald, looking at captive orang-utans and chimpanzees, whose wellbeing is evaluated by their keepers. The finding? Middle-aged great apes seem to feel sad, too.
Also published at ft.com.







9 Comments
Timothy Bates says:
There are a couple of myths linked to well-being which are raised here.
First is the idea of a midlife dip in well-being. The observation is of a peak, not a dip at mid-life. But even this is confounded by year of birth: if you find that, say, 60 year olds seem less happy than 50 year olds, it might be that the 60 year olds were hit their late teens during a recession. Antonio Terraciano has done the best study of this, stitching together multiple large cohorts for a comprehensive analysis, and with no axe to grind. He finds that well-being rises gently with age.
Here’s the reference:
http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/23349030
Second, though not central to this piece, the so-called Easterlin paradox suggesting that money doesn’t cause happiness over a certain (low) amount is not supported by data: Well-being is linked to log(income), hence increases income can appear to have diminishing effects on a linear scale, simply because they were only ever having non-linear effects. Many human psychological functions are so-calibrated.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Easterlin_paradox
Of course many factors influence well-being: genetics, cultural trust, relationships to name a few, but beliefs about the linkage of well-being to government policies about factors such as income, or social spending often dominate, and we should be sure to have robust answers. Thankfully, perhaps, happiness is highly resilient to most external factors, with most people reporting that they are happier than average 🙂
15th of September, 2013Tim Harford says:
Hi Timothy,
I think it is far too strong to call either the mid-life dip or the Easterlin paradox a myth. I would be perfectly happy to call them a contested result. I’m familiar with the Stevenson/Wolfers paper and am impressed by it.
Best
15th of September, 2013Tim
Alphastream says:
I am fortunately not unimpressed with how sex has made me feel. May you find the same as you join me in the over-40 club! (There is certainly something to be said for the change from “my whole world is before me, what amazing things will I do?” to recognizing that choices are somewhat limited. Perhaps role-playing games keep me young, but I suspect I’ve just found it easier to balance my dreams with my age?)
16th of September, 2013Tim Harford says:
One of the three tables at my party was packed with role-players. Firm friendships and much fun. There are many worse pastimes!
16th of September, 2013Derek Tunnicliffe says:
Ah! you youngsters. When/what is “mid-life” these days? Although the Stevenson/Wolfers paper reports on the USA, there appears to be (from personal experience) relevance to the UK also. And, as one born in the 1930’s cohort, I can tell you life seems now just a little bit less enjoyable than, say, five years ago (whatever the world financial crisis). As a friend advised, after 70 “something drops off every year”!
For us (wife and me) “mid-life” didn’t begin until we were past 50. But once we reached 60, all was full of happiness again.
Not sure I’ll be around when you reach 50, Tim, but it may be worth digging out this piece to see how you feel then.
19th of September, 2013dcluley says:
ahem. . . WORK!
not too hard to make that connection, eh?
21st of September, 2013Someone says:
Is there any study examining relationships between happiness and IQ/education? I know Kanazawa from LSE has some strange articles regarding IQ and alcohol consumption.
22nd of September, 2013Tom D says:
I once read a study that claimed that school pupils were most unruly on Wednesday afternoons, too far from either weekend. I wonder if middle age is the Wednesday afternoon of life?
24th of September, 2013Timothy Bates says:
Just FYI: I still can’t find any good papers showing this mid-life dip. It looked like one in Estonia and Latvia, but no: It’s completely flat when analysed correctly.
The conclusion is that growing up in the 70s was good thing, and a rotten economy is a bad, but people should otherwise expect to be happy… No dip to be explained.
Graphs here: http://d.pr/i/7IzZ
Paper is Realo, A., & Dobewall, H. (2011). Does life satisfaction change with age? A comparison of Estonia, Finland, Latvia, and Sweden. Journal of Research in Personality, 45(3), 297-308. doi: 10.1016/J.Jrp.2011.03.004
7th of October, 2013