The tricky business of measuring growth
Two experts offer a new approach to weighing economic strength, posing many good questions about the practice.
The barrier to change is not too little caring; it is too much complexity,” Bill Gates once opined, and he was right: many problems in development cannot be solved simply by wanting solutions badly enough. And yet when it comes to one of the key development outcomes, economic growth, the problem is not too much complexity, but not enough.
Complexity plays no obvious role in mainstream economics. Under the surface of traditional accounts of economic growth there is a rather crude model: economies are a bit like loaves of bread. They are made of two or three key ingredients, and bigger loaves simply have a bit more of everything.
Compare the economy of the UK with the economy of the Democratic Republic of Congo, a country with a similar population, and the textbook will say that the UK simply has more physical capital (factories, buildings, roads) and more human capital (education, training) and perhaps even better “institutions”. Of course, everyone knows that you cannot simply turn the DRC economy into the British economy by doubling the quantities of all the ingredients. The British economy is a different and more complex kind of thing altogether.
The economist Ricardo Hausmann and the network physicist César Hidalgo have been trying to measure this complexity, and I’ve written before about their work. They argue that economies are collections of “capabilities”, building blocks that can be put together like Lego to produce different products. A trustworthy post office is a building block; so is high-speed internet; so are functional bankruptcy courts; so is a literate workforce; so is a fast lane at customs for processing perishable foodstuffs. It’s not clear how one would go about measuring all of these capabilities. Instead, Hausmann and Hidalgo measure them indirectly, tracking the shadows that they cast upon a country’s trade statistics.
Their latest work, “The Atlas of Economic Complexity”, includes analysis not just of the general method, but of the “complexity statistics” of 128 countries. Hidalgo and Hausmann show that their generic ranking of economic complexity is much better correlated with gross domestic product than traditional indicators, such as governance or educational standards. The authors seem pleased with this, but it is depressing that they are tempted to engage in such statistical arm-wrestling. Their research is far more interesting than that.
If we can measure economic complexity and find it is highly correlated with economic productivity, then the question is: how can economies become more complex, acquiring new capabilities? A couple of points suggest themselves. Modern economies require complex rules: the English version of EU law contains more than 55 million words, equivalent to about 100,000 pages. Some of this is no doubt useless, but I wonder how much. To shape such rules sensibly is no easy task.
Think of a business that wants to export cut flowers. That requires appropriate phytosanitary regulations, that fast lane at customs, quick transport links between farm and airport, laws governing irrigation and much else. Getting governments to think about all this is a tall order – especially for a business that simply will not exist until the building blocks themselves do.
The second point is linked to the first: Hidalgo and Hausmann find it is easier to develop new capabilities that have something in common with those you already have.
And what of those countries whose existing capabilities offer no obvious avenues for development? The complexity approach asks some good questions, but answers must wait.
Also published at ft.com.





2 Comments
Joe H says:
Very much like this post Tim. I think the work of these MIT guys leads naturally to industrial policy. Rodrik has showed that it’s not a case of not picking winners but being ‘doomed to choose’. Because of the complex set of capabilities required for any one industry, for example the cut flowers example you site, there are a fairly specific number of capabilities that need to be in place. These are usually of a public good nature and may be completely different capabilities for alternative industries. Hence, Governments must make intelligent choices about the types of capabilities they promote given limited resources, or rather which pools of industries and sectors they are targeting, otherwise called industrial policy.
30th of January, 2012John Homewood says:
I looked at H&H’s interesting work a few months back (following one of your links), and started to write a blog. Here are some extracts of my thoughts:
- The Atlas of Complexity has some potentially interesting aims, which in part mirror my desire to communicate the interconnectivity of large [economic] systems. I like the idea, but I think, at this early stage, it overstates it’s own capability and usefulness.
- From what I’ve read so far, they are still developing e.g. the Economic Complexity Index is only derived from exported goods data, because this was readily available for a wide range of countries. The danger is that other claims on correlations and usefulness of ECI and various visualisations, could seem rather tenuous if you take limitations into account.
- The word “complexity” is used here to reflect the amount of combined knowledge (explicit and tacit) and capability used to bring a product to the point of consumption (in this case, export).
- For me the use of “complexity” is the wrong term. Hand-in-hand with complexity and complex systems comes unpredictability and “chaos”, which is not what they are trying to convey. I think they really mean something like the depth and maturity of knowledge (even history) and capability needed to bring a product to life, which needn’t itself be complex. Terms like “Knowledge Maturity”, “Implicit Value” might suit (other answers on a postcard).
- Visually exciting maps !
Needless to say, keep up the good work Hidalgo and Hausmann.
31st of January, 2012